When a Democratic Governor summons a Republican Legislature to ratify a Federal Amendment which has been endorsed by the National Committees of the dominant parties, by the Chairmen of the State Committees, by nearly all state officers, and by all announced candidates for state offices, by nearly every candidate for office, and with a poll showing a majority, its supporters may be pardoned if perchance they feel somewhat overconfident of success. The Ratification Committee of the West Virginia Equal Suffrage Association went to Charleston as to a festival of victory, but they stayed there to take part in the bitterest factional struggle which has ever been waged within the borders of the state, and to participate in a victory that was won over an adversary which contested every foot of the field of combat, and yielded only when the last faint ray of hope for the defeat of the Federal Amendment had vanished. Our leaders had laid their campaign foundations broadly and well. A fine Advisory Board of more than one hundred and fifty members had been created. Statements favoring our cause had been secured from every member of our congressional delegation, and from nearly every man prominent in political life in the state. The Legislature had been carefully polled by our organization and by persons connected with local suffrage organizations in the home towns of members of the Men’s Advisory Board, and by political leaders. The result of this poll showed that we would have a majority of at least fifteen in the House of Delegates and from four to seven in the Senate. Our capable Chairman of the Ratification Committee, Mrs. Ellis A. Yost, had reached Charleston just before the session was called, and had launched an admirable campaign of publicity. All seemed well. The call for the session was issued. Suddenly the weather changed. Something happened. We were caught in a whirlpool, caused by the cross current of a factional strife which was not our own, and had nothing to do with our cause. We had been most careful to state that we were working for suffrage and for that only; that, while we championed no political party, and no particular candidate for any office, we welcomed the help of all parties, and of all political workers; but, almost in an instant’s time, the impression was circulated among members of the Legislature in Charleston, and through veiled hints in the newspapers throughout the state, that we were lined up with the adherents of a certain Republican candidate for the governorship. Denials se[e]med to do us no good, and a certain leader, or would-be leader, the manager of the campaign of another of the gubernatorial candidates, organized against us rapidly and furiously. The Legislature met on Friday, February 27th, resolutions of ratification were introduced, and under the rules went over for one day. On Saturday both houses met and adjourned until Monday. Meanwhile a couple of forlorn-looking anti-suffrage workers from Virginia had drifted into the city, and across hotel and State House corridors, were lobbying industriously. A star speaker for the anti organization also appeared and clamored to be allowed to hear the suffrage arguments, and refute them. The Maryland Legislature took a hand by the official appointment of a committee of its own members to go to Charleston and instruct the West Virginia legislators to reject the ratification resolution. Indignant speeches were made, both inside and outside the legislative halls, partisan hopes and fears as to results were openly expressed, and the tumult and hub-bub suggested a regular Donnybrook Fair, but on Monday the atmosphere was partly cleared by the first vote, which stood for ratification: in the House, 46-41; in the Senate, 14-14. The leader of the losing side in each House immediately changed his vote and gave notice that he would later call for a reconsideration of the resolution. About this time a telegram was received from Senator Jesse A. Bloch, of Wheeling, which read substantially as follows: “San Francisco, Cal. Notice of special session just received. Impossible to be present. Am in favor of woman suffrage. Please arrange a pair for me.” The suggestion of such a pair was received with jeers by suffrage opponents in the Senate, who had banded themselves together in a sort of “Blood-brotherhood,” sworn by no one else knows what solemn rites, to oppose equal suffrage unitedly until the end of the session. National and state political leaders of both parties, disturbed because of possible consequences and complications should ratification fail, took a hand at this junction, and flocked to the scene, either in person or by special representatives, and exhorted their followers in vain, or else sent pressing telegrams, which were openly flouted. On Wednesday, the motion to reconsider the resolution in the Senate was lost by the tie vote of 14-14, but meanwhile it occurred to the friends of ratification, that if fourteen men could stand solidly against it, fourteen others might stand just as solidly for it until Senator Bloch could arrive in the Capitol, and break the tie vote. He was reached by long distance telephone, the situation was explained to him, and he agreed to start for Charleston at once. The problem then resolved itself into keeping the Legislature in session until his arrival. The situation in the House of Delegates was dangerous, because when the resolution had been called up for reconsideration, the motion to reconsider had been tabled, and the speaker ruled that it could thereafter be taken from the table by a majority vote at any time during the session. Many of the members were impatient to go home; some had been called home by the illness of relatives, and not all who went had remembered to pair with some who remained. At any time, the small majority in favor of ratification might be overturned, so having satisfied themselves that the tie in the Senate would hold, the suffrage workers devoted themselves to the task of keeping enough men present at every roll-call in the House of Delegates to defeat hostile attacks, and this, by industry and good fortune, they were able to accomplish. Through the efforts of good friends, a special train was provided for Mr. Bloch, and he was scheduled to reach Charleston very early in the morning of Wednesday, March 10th. On the 9th, the opposition produced ex-Senator A. R. Montgomery, of Peoria, Ill., who had resigned his seat in the West Virginia Legislature last June, and attempted to reinstate him in order to give them the necessary one vote with which to defeat ratification. Indisputable documentary evidence, however, other than his formal letter of resignation and its acceptance by the Governor, proved that he had gone out of the state with the expressed intention of becoming a citizen of another state, and as it was clear that he could not legally regain his seat, it was denied him. Senator Bloch arrived on schedule time, and took his seat in the Senate amid cheers, and as competent advice of the highest order had assured us that consideration by the Senate of the resolution of ratification which had been adopted by the House would be in order in the Senate with no change in its rules, that resolution was taken up and was adopted at 6 P.M., March 10th. Reconsideration of that action was at once moved and voted down, and West Virginia took her place as the thirty-fourth state to ratify the Federal Suffrage Amendment. Too much credit for the result cannot be given to our good friend, Governor Cornwell, to the Chairmen of the State Republican and Democratic Committees, to our efficient floor leaders in both Houses and to many members of our Advisory Board who stood by us when the outlook seemed the darkest. Their names are written on our hearts. Great credit is also due to the members of the Ratification Committee, who, aided by other women of the state, worked untiringly during the whole session, and last, but not least, we wish to give unstinted praise to our plucky, able and ever tactful Chairman of Ratification, Mrs. Ellis A. Yost. “All’s well that ends well.” Let the curtain go down up the West Virginia Act in the drama, and rise upon the state set for Ratification in Delaware and Washington.
Julia W. Ruhl, |