Mr. President: Never as long as I am a member of this Senate, shall I knowingly cast a vote upon any question in direct opposition to the expressed will of by [my] constituents. At the same election at which I was elected as a member of this body, the proposed amendment to the constitution of West Virginia, for the enfranchisement of women, was voted upon. In each of the counties in my district an overwhelming majority of the voters of both the dominant political parties registered their protest against such an amendment. Upon this question my constituents have most emphatically and decisively expressed themselves. No matter what I might think about the question personally, I should be a traitor to our form of government, to the oath I have taken, and to my own conscience and manhood if I should go directly contrary to the expressed will of those who sent me here. I take no thought of the question of political expediency. I am little concerned about what other states do or don’t do upon this question. The congress of the United States cannot speak upon this question for the voters of West Virginia, or of my district.

I represent the counties of Mercer, Monroe, Raleigh and Summers, and my people during the year one thousand nine hundred and sixteen had an opportunity to express their sentiments on the question now before the Senate. I have assumed—in fact I know—that such expression, as was indicated by their registered votes on the question, represented their unbridled sentiments, and I should feel derelict in my duty toward them in not at all times—when consistent with the duty I owe my state and nation—complying with their wishes and desires. Personally, I have been inclined to vote for ratification of this amendment; but when I look the question squarely in the face, and realize that out of sixteen thousand eight hundred and seventy-two votes cast in my district on the question of the adoption of the woman’s suffrage amendment to our constitution, I find that twelve thousand two hundred and thirty-six, or seventy-three per cent of my voting constituents voted against the same. Until this question is put in such shape that the voters of this state can again express themselves upon it, and shall reverse the decision they have already rendered, I shall feel it my duty to follow the will of the people as already expressed at the polls by more than ninety thousand majority. I vote “No”.

“The proposed adoption of the woman’s suffrage amendment to the constitution of the United States of America is not being done in accordance with the spirit and provisions of either the federal constitution or the constitution of the state of West Virginia, both of which I am under oath to protect and support in the legislature of West Virginia.

The federal constitution and the constitution of West Virginia both have obstacles to their being changed by sudden action, great excitement or deep resentment, and both make the will of the people supreme, as well; they are carefully framed in order that the people’s real will and considered judgment, and not their transient impulses, may be ascertained along with the action of congress and the legislature before amendments are finally made.

The considered judgement and will of the people of West Virginia upon woman suffrage is expressed to this legislature by a vote of one hundred and sixty-one thousand six hundred and seven against to sixty-three thousand five hundred and forty votes for it at the same election, when one-half of the membership of this Senate was chosen. I personally feel my vote for ratification of the amendment would be in violation of my oath (and have the appearance of seeking the plaudits of misnomered democracy, which, as a rule analyzes into mobocracy); but we are a republic, pure and simple—a representative government—and as such I will support and defend the supreme will of one hundred and sixty-one thousand six hundred and seven West Virginians against the clamour emanating from the sixty-one thousand five hundred and forty by opposing the amendment and vote ‘No’.”

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Senate: I personally favor the ratification of the nineteenth amendment to the constitution of the United States.

However, common honesty compels me to declare that, in my opinion, a majority—but not an overwhelming majority—of the voters of my senatorial district, are against the ratification of this amendment, and if this alone was the only element entering into my decision, I would cheerfully yield my personal views and record my vote against this amendment, but I am impelled by other, and to me, more convincing reasons, why I should vote for ratification.

We are nearing the close of a great contest to determine whether or not equal suffrage shall be adopted in the nation. Governor Cornwell, a democrat, the greatest of all the great governors developed during the terrible war through which we have just passed—my friend and my neighbor—has convoked a republican legislature in extraordinary session to ratify this amendment. He has made it clear that he wants his friends to vote for ratification. He is the titular leader of the democratic party in West Virginia, and I am a member of that party.

My friend, my neighbor and my chief has indicated what I should do and I will carry out his wish, especially so when justice will be attained thereby. Our action in ratifying the pending amendment is only simple justice, long delayed, and equal suffrage in my opinion is eternally right. I vote “Aye”.

“I wish to state that I am unalterably opposed to woman suffrage and I will put forth every legitimate effort at my command to protect woman from herself.

To give her the ‘advantage’ of the ballot would be robbing her of so many of her charms that the change would put her practically on the same footing with man, thus robbing mankind of its chief home comfort and support, and leaving us with no one to supply the inspiration necessary to accomplish things in a universe already overrun with vexatious problems, both little and large.

And, then, taking the Bible as an indisputable authority on all the good things of life; able students have searched its pages carefully for something that would throw some light on the question of woman suffrage, but nothing has been found that could possibly be construed as even suggesting the participation of women in the conduct of the political affairs of a nation.

Coming on down the ages, I find that France, at one time, was one of the most moral and upright nations on the face of the globe, but when women danced upon the scene as participants in the public affairs of the nation, this record gradually began to disintegrate and the religious prestige of the country rapidly gave away to the forces of evil. Statistics show that through the neglect of mothers, who gave their time to public affairs rather than to home virtues and comforts, there are more street walkers in France than there are cigarette smokers among the male population of that country, and that at the present rate of degeneration, by actual figures, compiled by the best mathematicians in the world, France will be extinct as a moral force within eighty years, unless there is something done to check the awful crime of race suicide.

The same conditions will be repeated in the United States under the same circumstances. We already have a sample of the workings of woman suffrage in the state of Colorado. Women have been ‘enjoying’ the ballot in that state, and what is the result? Colorado stands at the head of the column in the number of divorces granted, and it is a settled fact that a large majority of these divorce proceedings were instituted because of the lewdness of the female participant in the matrimonial venture. The beginning of race suicide in this country dawns with the day that women march to the polls to cast their first ballot.

The counties of the Sixth Senatorial district which I represent, including my native county, that of McDowell, cast in the election of one thousand nine hundred and sixteen, on the proposition of woman suffrage one thousand four hundred and thirty-six votes for and four thousand six hundred and thirty-two against; the county of Mingo cast seven hundred and twelve votes for and two thousand six hundred and nine against; the county of Wayne cast eight hundred and fifty-three votes for and three thousand one hundred and seventy-five against; the county of Wyoming three hundred and ninety-nine for and eight hundred and ten against.

The total vote of the Sixth senatorial district was three thousand four hundred for ratification and eleven thousand two hundred and twenty-six against ratification, which is an average of seventy-five per cent against ratification.

I would be unworthy of the confidence of my constituents if I did otherwise than as they have expressed their sentiments on the question of woman suffrage, and I now cast my vote’No’.”

Mr. President: I desire to make a brief statement in explanation of my vote and ask that it be printed in the Journal of today’s proceedings.

The resolution before us for our consideration deals with a fundamental question of the highest importance, affecting the very foundation of our civic life—the most important question to my mind that was ever presented to a West Virginia legislature: the ratification or rejection of the Anthony suffrage amendment to the federal constitution.

In reaching my conclusions I weighed carefully the arguments presented both for and against ratification. The great point at issue and the one that should concern us most, is whether or not the people of West Virginia desire equal suffrage.

I firmly believe in the rule of majorities and regard the attempt of the minority to rule, as dangerous and unwarranted by our system of government.

So, in dealing with this most important subject at this time, as representatives of the people of the great state of West Virginia, and not of some other state, our attention is called to the fact that at the last general election the registered will of these people defeated woman suffrage by a majority exceeding ninety-eight thousand votes—the largest majority ever given any proposition in the history of our state—and there is not the slightest evidence that this sentiment has changed. Every senatorial district represented by the members of this body gave a decided majority against it, so what warrant has this legislature to set aside a verdict of the people so emphatically expressed?

The fact that other states have voted differently, and desire our legislature to overturn the will of the people of this state, expressed only three years ago, is a poor argument to induce a legislator to give affirmative support to this federal amendment.

Political expediency has been urged by some of the leaders of both of the dominant political parties. If political or party expediency is to throttle the will of a sovereign people—disregarding their wishes as expressed by the ballot—it is an expediency to which I cannot subscribe, and one that is not consistent with our republican form of government. Principle and the will of the majority, to my mind, should never be subordinated to political or party expediency.

So, Mr. President, in view of these facts, and obeying the mandates of what I believe to be a majority of the men and women of West Virginia, I vote “No”.

Mr. President: I want it understood that I believe in the dignity, the honor, the glory and the supremacy of American womanhood. It is because of that belief, which is so strong that it has become a part of my very being, that I will presently cast my vote as I do.

I believe in the home—the American home and the American fireside. The stability, the strength of American institutions depend upon the kind and character of our homes. Mr. President, I shall shortly cast my vote for the homes of this great nation.

Again, I stand for the American baby. The home without the prattle of babes and the laughter of little children is a hollow mockery. A lot of platform people will tell you that every baby has the right to be well born; it is true, but they have another and greater right: they have the right to have a mother’s care and a mother’s love. Mr. President, I shall shortly have the honor and the courage in the face of this powerful lobby to cast my vote for the American baby.

Up in Wetzel county, one of her mountain tops there is a humble home, and in that home there is an old woman. Her form is bent with age; her face is furrowed with the trace of many cares; her voice is broken; she totters and her step is slow; she is weary with the journey; her eyes are dim with age; her hands are gnarled and crooked. No, she is not pretty, but she’s my mother, and she has a heart of gold, Mr. President. She is not only my mother, but she is the mother of my fourteen brothers and sisters.

Up in the city of Moundsville there is another home and another mother—a good mother, a true mother, a sweet mother—the mother of my children.

Mr. President, when a woman goes down into the valley of the shadow; when she risks her life for a life; when she sleeps with death; when she tears from underneath her heart child—endows it with the spark of human life—we call her by that blessed holy name of mother, and, Mr. President, when I go back home; when I see these mothers of mine, I want, and I am going to look them squarely in the eyes and say: “I have been over the long trail; I have been to the wigwam of the great chief; I have heard the sirens sing; they wanted to put another burden on your backs; they wanted to make life harder for you; they wanted to make your paths through lands beset by dangers on every side; but, mother and wife, there were brave men there—men good and true, who were not beguiled by the siren’s song, yet by her laughter—men big enough, brave enough to defy the threat of kinds, and by their good help, we have kept the womanhood of West Virginia, on that high plane where it has ever been, and where I pray God it may ever stay—away from corruption’s blot; away from those who play the game of politics for place, and power, and pomp and circumstance. And, Mr. President, I will not only receive the thanks and blessings of these mothers of mine, but the thanks and blessings of a large majority of the mothers, the wives and the sweethearts of my district; not only their thanks and blessings, but the thanks and blessings of a majority of the voters of my district, who, on the same day and at the same polls, when they voted for me and elected me to the Senate of West Virginia, by their votes overwhelmingly declared themselves against woman suffrage.

Mr. President, I now cast my vote for the womanhood of West Virginia. I want to vote for the babies of West Virginia, the boys and the girls of West Virginia. I want to vote for the wives and the mothers of West Virginia, and, Mr. President, I want to vote for the homes and firesides of this great nation. I now have the honor and the privilege and the right to vote and do vote, “No.”