Mr. FARNSWORTH, of Upshur - I am truly sorry this resolution was ever introduced into this House, and as I shall vote for it to lie on the table, I feel it due, at least to my constituents, to give some reasons why I shall do so. Not that I am opposed to slavery or the Fugitive Slave Law, for I am uncompromisingly in favor of both, and I know the constituents I represent are uncompromising on this subject. But, sir, I, and, I know further, my own constituents, are opposed to introducing into the Legislature of Virginia that bane and bone of contention that has so nearly sacrificed our glorious Union. When I remembered the introduction of this question into the halls of Congress, into the legislation of our nation, it was then and there that the grave of our country was dug; and I had hoped that this question would never be resurrected again, I believe it was sprung upon this House without any intention of stirring up the old strife that it will necessarily stir up; for I believe the gentleman who introduced it, introduced it with pure motives; but as certainly as we do bring that question up in this Legislature we but introduce the bone of a contention that will never cease in its influence until it has eaten up the very vitals, hopes and prospects of this new and reorganized government. If my voice would bury it so deep that resurrection would never find it, I would gladly do it; and had it never made its appearance in the hall of legislation our country today would have been safe and secured from the war, the commotions, the strifes and divisions now upon us.
If this were a test question of whether we were in favor of slavery or the Fugitive Slave Law, I would vote for taking it up; but it is not a test question. I do not believe that there is scarcely a man in this House but is in favor of slavery and the Fugitive Slave Law. [A member - "Not a man!"] But for conscience sake let us not take into our bosoms the viper that will sting us to death. I know, in conversation with my constituents at home, who are as true to the Constitution and the provisions of the Constitution in guaranteeing to every man his right of property in slaves or anything else - I know that when the subject; and knowing this is the sentiment of my people, I could not keep my seat; and I hope the vote of this House will be given against the resolution, not because of its principle, but because of the effects it may introduce if we take it from the table and introduce this question in the commencement of our legislation.
I know, Mr. Speaker, that the gentleman who introduced that resolution had no idea of the baneful effects and influences that it would necessarily have in introducing it at this stage of the proceedings of our legislature and the reorganization of this government. We, sir, have questions of more vital importance than to stir up strife in our midst. We have questions that pertain to the important interest of our constituents in selling this new government right before the world; and according to his own proposition moving an adjournment at a certain time, if we introduce at this stage a subject that will stir up the deep emotions of every one's heart, when will we ever come to a conclusion of this session. Let us bury it that we may go on with business and bring it to a speedy close, that we may go home and prepare those who are members of the Convention to come up here on the first Tuesday in next month. I hope every member will vote for the resolution to lie on the table.
Mr. ARNOLD, of Lewis - When I asked for the resolution to be taken up I did not accompany it with any remarks. I knew from the very fact that this resolution was offered, that the country at large looked with anxious desire to see what had become of it. It was remarked very justly the other day when the resolution was offered, that if it was laid on the table it would indicate to the country that we were hesitating to do anything with it. I knew, sir, that - that was a fact. The resolution had been offered, and it was indispensable to act, and I politely invited the gentleman who offered that resolution to withdraw it. But immediate action was urged with great zeal and solicitude, so much so that I had not even time to examine it, that I could not give it one deliberate thought, but I had to immediately raise my voice pro or con.
Well, sir, this resolution was offered here. I thought at the time that it presented a favorable opportunity, as Lovejoy, the agitator of slavery, had introduced his resolution into Congress - it presented this body a favorable opportunity to show to the world that they were not tinctured with Black Republicanism and Abolitionism. - I thought that it was a favorable opportunity to show that this Union Legislature that had convened here did not intend for a moment, and was not disposed to recognize the Administration for any other purpose, but that they honestly believed the subject would never be interfered with. - But not withstanding that, the idea had gone forth. Gentlemen at home said to me - those who even were Union men - "I am in favor of a division of the State, but I am afraid that if the State is divided they will deprive us of our property - that this body is an Abolition body." I repudiated it. - All the Union men of the country who had faith and confidence in Northwestern Virginia repudiated it; and I thought when this resolution was offered it would give a favorable opportunity to allay that apprehension and fear that was taking the rounds throughout all the interior of Southwestern and Western Virginia. But, sir, I know that every reader of the proceedings of this body looked with anxious eye to see the result of that resolution - why it has been delayed so long. I supposed this morning when I brought it up it would not find one dissenting voice; that every member in this body would want to show to the world and the people at home and throughout Virginia, so far as that question was concerned - that they were not Union men because they intertained the sentiments of the North on this question; but that they believed in the Constitution of the United States, that they rested all on the guarantees of that instrument, and that those guarantees would be carried out in every part of the American Union. Now sir, I say that this presents the best opportunity that ever did present itself for the people of Northwestern Virginia to put themselves right on the record. When the other resolutions of instructions came up there was not time for delay, they met the almost universal approbation of the members. They wanted no consultation, or reflection, but it seemed to be a soul cheering opportunity to develop their views. So, sir, before the Senators hardly had knowledge of their elections this resolution of instructions went on to them. The Senate had not expelled Hunter and Mason before these instructions went on, along with the first knowledge of the fact that Senators had been elected. N So anxious so zealous, so apprehensive were they that the Senators should know the sentiments of this body, that the instructions even accompanied them; and I have no doubt that Mr. Willey, who went on, carried with him the resolutions and certificate of their election.
But when Lovejoy introduced his resolution into Congress the gentleman from Harrison thought that was a favorable opportunity - that this then gave this body the opportunity of showing to the world that they repudiated it by their instructions. And, sir, I want it to be remembered now, the very fact of hesitating about taking this up and passing it, will tend to fix and convict the minds of the people along the border of the Union and secession sentiment, that this body is a Republican body. It would have done me good to have went home and said to the people: "Here, gentlemen, are the resolutions repudiating the charges made upon us." It, sir, would have repulsed every argument in opposition to this body. But, unfortunately, that it has now come to the test, they are hesitating to set themselves right on the record. Gentlemen may get up here with their arguments, and say they are in favor of this and that, and speak of the institution as morally and religiously right; but, sir, it only shows that the argument turns against themselves. If you believe it, why entertain a sentiment to reflect a doubt upon your action. Why not, with one unanimous voice, take it up and pass it without one single remark. Why, sir, the very fact that you argue that you are in favor of the fugitive slave law, in favor of slavery, and all these things, you veto by your very act. I had as lief try to make believe I was a religious man, if I would wind up the assertion by saying, "dame religion!" because the very fact that you swear repudiates all you assertions and gives the falsehood to your argument. And I say now, and I say it without fear, that every man on this occasion who votes against action upon that resolution, it will tell a tale on him that he will regret in the future. He never can explain it away. All the argument he can put in the papers of Wheeling, will never convince the people at large that he is in favor of the institution of slavery in Virginia, or that he is in favor of a slave State carved out of Virginia. For believing that the principles of his heart mind and soul are for the abolition of slavery, they will not listen to his paper declarations, but they will tell him to look at his vote upon the record. Every man there will be judged as the scriptures tell us the tree shall be judged, "by its fruits." - That will be the measure of his action in future. And I hope when gentlemen reflect about this they will all leave their explanations to go forth as they have presented them, but will say to Western Virginia that we hope something will be done to restore peace to their homes and firesides. Even secessionists have said to me "in the name of God, if a division of the State will restore peace to my home and let me return to my hilltops to gather my grain and enjoy the society of my family, in the name of God give it to us. Give me peace and you will give me liberty. I never thought when I voted for secession that I was voting for war" and, sir, they are not, many of them lying in the brush with tired nerves and sickened hearts praying for peace, and for anything on earth to give them peace. But sir, when you refuse at an opportunity like this to pass a resolution such as this, you are virtually saying to this people that the South is right in her arguments and that all these fancied charges are true. - And while sir, here is Willey with his strong arm and his eloquence repudiating the charge that there was a solitary black republican in Northwestern Virginian, yet is it possible that this body, having this desirable opportunity to repudiate and send abroad their eternal condemnation of the charge - that they would hesitate to do it? I hope therefore, without another remark from me that they will take up the resolution and pass it unanimously.
FONTAIN SMITH, of Marion - I wish the House to indulge me in a single word. - The gentleman tells us, sire, that we who may vote to keep that resolution on the table will do that which we will have cause to regret. I for one, sir, saddle the responsibility. I saddle the responsibility, sir, of voting yea en the question of allowing that resolution to lie undisturbed on the table. Not because I am opposed to the Fugitive Slave Law; but because I am opposed to the agitation of the subject of slavery in or out of Congress. And I congratulate the gentleman on his wonderful condescension in desiring to come here for the purpose of pleasing the secessionists - to please Henry A. Wise. He tells us that the action of this Convention, if it is in a certain channel, will silence the voice of Henry A. Wise, and, perhaps give pleasure to him. I will just say that I have not yet seen the necessity of pleasing Mr. Wise or any of his fellow traitors. The gentleman says his people in Lewis county have asked him the question if this is a Republican body. I would not answer such a question. Ask me, sir, whether I am an honest man: I will not answer the question. But I will say, sir, that this question has been asked me in my county, and I here say that trifling as the question is, it has never been asked me by a man who was in favor of this Union movement in Northwestern Virginia; but in every instance it has come from men who were opposed to it, and who had a willing and listening secession auditory into whose ears and hearts he wished to infuse the idea. The question has invariably, in my county, come from the secession ranks, and them alone, the charge that we were Republicans. I repeat it, I have never been asked the question by a single Union man, who had at heart the great principles that underlie our liberties, and who wished to sustain us in this great struggle, without stopping to inquire whether or not we were in favor of the institution of slavery. Union men are willing, as I am, that this question shall be buried for the time so far as concerns the agitation of slavery in the Congress of the United States, never to have a resurrection. But, sir, the men who wish to throw discredit __________body into disrepute, are all busy circulating the report that we are Republicans here; and whenever such a man gets an opportunity, he is putting to me such questions as, "Do you intend to abolish slavery in Northwestern Virginia, and make this a free State, or do you intend to connect it with Ohio or Pennsylvania?" These inquiries have invariably come from an enemy and never from a friend. I now repeat here that I saddle the responsibility, and I intend to vote for keeping the resolution on the table, let the fearful consequences be what they may.
It may be, sir, that I give no evidence of loyalty when I say I am in favor of the fugitive slave law and oppose the resolution - like the individual who says with an oath that he is a Christian; but I am willing to saddle the responsibility. I am opposed to the agitation of the subject of slavery in and out of Congress, because it has been a bone of contention; because the abolitionists of the North and the secessionists of the South, one holding one end of the rope and the other holding the other, have come very near severing this mighty and magnificent political fabric of ours; and I am not willing to take sides with the abolitionists on the one hand or the secessionists on the other, but I stand on the common platform with every American citizen, laboring to maintain our institutions, preserve the Constitution of the United States, and aid the Administration in promoting the interests of the people by sustaining that Constitution and protecting our civil and religious rights; and I am opposed to any question that may have a tendency to weaken us at home or abroad, and I can but regard, sir, that the agitation of this question here will be fraught with the most serious consequences. If any injury is done to the harmony of our proceedings here, it is not done by those who have objected to this resolution, but it will emanate from the very fact that a firebrand has been thrown into our midst, and the injury will be done by this resolution in causing the agitation of a subject that ought not to be brought within these walls.
We came not here, sir, to please secessionists, who are lying in the woods because of their guilty fears and of their rebellion against the Government, but to promote the interests of our people by sustaining this political fabric of ours; and if any injury has been dealt this movement here, it has emanated from some other side of the House than ours. My people do not want me to vote on this subject in any shape or form. They are capable of taking care of themselves. They are as sound on this subject as any other people in the universe, but they (sensibly, I think,) believe that we have interests other than the negro interest. Why, sir, if your house was on fire, and the spiral flame was encircling and devouring it, what would you think of a son who would be squabbling about a position in some room he might occupy of the burning building. Would he not go to work to extinguish the flames, and afterwards, when the house was saved, select his place and his room. Sir, our political fabric is on fire, this magnificent temple of liberty, erected by our fathers, has been lit by the incendiary torch, and the devouring element is curling and crackling about its fair proportions. Is this any time to squabble about our places and positions in the structure? No; let us extinguish the flames, let us restore the Government in its integrity, and then, if it is deemed necessary, we can go back and quarrel about our domestic affairs. Let us go to work and sustain the Administration in protecting this beneficent Government, by voting money and means, by reason, and argument, and facts, which appeal to the judgement and consciences of men, and when we have done all that, we can talk about the wants of our people in their domestic relations.
Mr. LOGAN, of Ohio - I shall, Mr. Speaker, make but a very few remarks. I desire to detain the House but a few minutes to allude to one or two points that have not been referred to in this discussion. I do not believe, sir, that there is a member of this body who is opposed to the Fugitive Slave Law, and who would not view with the deepest regret, and confront with the most strenuous opposition any serious attempt to remove this law from the statute books of the United States. And the gentleman from Lewis must feel assured by this fact that the motives and action of gentlemen of this body have no foundation whatever in any sentiment of hostility to that law or the objects it was intended to accomplish. I desire, sir, to direct the attention of the gentleman and of members of this body to another fact and that is that the present Administration has more fully carried out the objects of that law and its provisions, as is testified by disinterested and competent witnesses among all classes in every party, than any previous Administration since the law was enacted. Mr. Lincoln has fulfilled to the fullest extent the pledge he made in regard to the carrying out of its provisions. These, sir, are matters of history; and we have no reason to believe that the idea is entertained by the Administration to the least extent of interfering in any manner with this law as it at present exists. We know some difficulties have sprung up in connection with this subject of fugitive slaves, arising out of the disturbed state of the country; but to my mind and judgement they have been very satisfactorily met and disposed of by the Administration and officers of the army.
We cannot then sir suppose for a moment that there is the least danger of this law being interfered with under present circumstances, and I am unwilling for one to attach the least dignity or importance to the effort made by this man Lovejoy to introduce this subject into the House of Representatives. As I am in favor of doing, the members of that body put their frown and foot upon it. It is already disposed of, thrust outside of that body, and why we should now attempt to bring it to the notice of our representatives, or cause their interference in any way, or call their attention to a subject dead and buried, is something I cannot understand or see any propriety in.
But, sir, I am unwilling that any false construction of the position of this body shall go forth as the result of any action on this subject. No honest man in this body or out of it can misinterpret our action and for the opinion of any others, whether politically or otherwise, I have no regard, and I shall do nothing either to secure the approbation or avoid the disapproval of persons of that class. It is impossible, I repeat that any honest man should misinterpret the motive of this body for its action on this subject.
[The motion to take up the resolution was lost, only one-fifth of the House voting in its favor.]
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