Second Wheeling Convention

Proceedings of the
Second Wheeling Convention

June 18, 1861

Mr. PARSONS, of Tucker, took occasion to explain the cause of his absence and asked to record his vote in favor of the Declaration of Rights passed by the Convention yesterday. A number of gentlemen who had come in since yesterday's session also came forward, and without exception cast their votes in its favor, among others, James G. West, of Wetzel county, who first took the oath of office, he having heretofore been detained from attending.

Mr. CARLILE, from the Committee on Business, reported the following amendment to the Ordinance for the re-organization of the State Government: In the 36th line to strike out all after the word "appointed," and insert: "by the Governor, he shall at once fill the vacancy without writ, but it such officer he appointed otherwise than by the Governor, or by election, the writ shall be issued and directed to the other appointing power requiring it to fill the vacancy."

Mr. CARLILE, from the Committee on Business, reported the following resolution, with a recommendation that it pass:

WHEREAS, The great and lesser seals of the Commonwealth are in possession of the late Executive of the State, and whereas it is necessary for the dispatch of public business, that seals should be provided, therefore,

Resolved, That a committee of five persons be appointed to procure a great and lesser seal for the Commonwealth, that shall correspond with the great and lesser seals, respectively, now in possession of the late Executive of the State, with the addition on each seal on obverse and reverse sides, of these words, "Liberty and Union."

The following gentlemen were appointed the committee provided for in the resolution: John S. Carlile, of Harrison; D. D. T. Farnsworth, of Upshur; E. H. Caldwell, of Marshall; H. H. Withers, of Gilmer; Chas. B. Waggoner, of Mason.

The People of Virginia, by their Delegates assembled in Convention at Wheeling, do ordain that the Sixth and Seventh Sections of the Seventeenth chapter of the Code of Virginia be amended and re-enacted to read as follows:

The Governor may cause to be apprehended and secured, or may compel to depart from this State, all suspicious subjects or citizens of any foreign State or power at war with the United States.

And whereas, the Convention at Richmond have declared the union between the State of Virginia and the other States, under the Constitution of the United States, to be dissolved; and have attempted to transfer the allegiance of the People of this State to an illegal confederacy of rebellious States, called the Confederate States of America; claiming that the State of Virginia and the said Confederate States are rightfully and in fact foreign States or powers in reference to the United States. Now, therefore, all persons in this Commonwealth adhering to and supporting the said Convention at Richmond, or the said Confederate States, or professing to owe allegiance or obedience to the same, shall be deemed, (for the purposes of this Ordinance only,) subjects or citizens of a foreign State or power at war with the United States.

The Governor may send for the person and papers of any such person, within this State, in order to obtain information to enable him to act in such cases.

Any warrant or order of the Governor under this Ordinance may be directed to any Sheriff or other officer civil or military and shall be executed according to the terms thereof by such officer, who shall have all the powers necessary for the purpose, either in or out of his county or corporation.

2. If the Governor shall have just cause to believe that any persons in this State, claiming to be subjects or citizens of the said Confederate States, or adhering to and supporting the said Convention or the said Confederate States, or professing to owe allegiance or obedience to the same, are about to assemble together, or have assembled together, for the purpose of drilling or receiving military instruction, or to organize themselves as a military force, or to attempt any military operation, or do any act which may endanger the safety or welfare of the good people of this Commonwealth or any portion of the same; he may cause such assemblage to be prevented or dispersed, and the persons who may be about to assemble or have assembled as aforesaid, to be apprehended and secured, or may counsel them to depart from this State; and for this purpose he may issue his warrant or order directed to any Sheriff or other officer civil or military, which warrant or order shall be executed as aforesaid, and any assemblage of two or more persons for any purpose inimical to the government of the United States, or of this State as organized by this Convention, shall be deemed an unlawful assemblage, and the persons so offending may be proceeded against and punished as provided in chapter 195 of the Code of Virginia.

3. If any Sheriff or other person shall transmit or pay any money, or any check, draft, bill, or order, not or certificate for the payment of money, to any officer or other person at Richmond or elsewhere for the use of the said Confederate States, or of the illegal State Government at Richmond, now waging war against the United States; or shall furnish any money, arms military equipments or ammunitions of war, or other aid or support, to the said Confederate States, or State Government, or to any military force under the control or direction of the same, or to any person or persons about to join any such military force; the Governor may cause to be apprehended and secured, or may cause to depart from this State, the Sheriff or other person guilty of such offence, and for this purpose may issue his warrant or order and cause the same to be executed as hereinbefore provided.

4. This Ordinance shall take effect from its passage, and may be altered or repealed by the General Assembly.

Mr. FLESHER, of Jackson, moved that the ordinance be laid on the table, and the usual number printed; which motion was adopted.

Mr. CARLILE, from the same Committee, reported another ordinance as follows:

1. The People of Virginia, by their Delegates assembled in Convention at Wheeling, do ordain that the compensation of the several officers herein mentioned shall be as follows:

Of the Secretary of the Commonwealth at the rate of fifteen hundred dollars per annum;

Of the Auditor of Public Accounts at the rate of two thousand dollars per annum;

Of the President of the Senate, the Speaker of the House of Delegates, and the President of this Convention, eight dollars to each for every day's attendance;

Of the other members of the Senate, House of Delegates, and of this Convention, four dollars to each one for each day's attendance; but no person shall receive compensation for the same day both as a member of this Convention and of the Legislature;

Of the Sergeant-at-Arms attending this Convention, and the Sergeant-at-Arms for the Legislature, four dollars for each day's attendance; and one dollar and fifty cents per day for each door keeper, and police officer employed, and fifty cents per day for each of the pages.

2. The Secretary of the Commonwealth, Auditor of Public Accounts and Treasurer, shall once at least in every quarter, submit to the Governor their several accounts for office expenses, including printing, stationery, blank books, fuel and others things necessary for the transaction of their official business; which accounts when approved by the Governor, and such approval certified in writing, shall be allowed and paid. All expenses incurred by the Governor in the transaction of his official business shall be submitted to the Auditor of Public Accounts in the same manner as other claims against the State.

3. The members of the Senate and House of Delegate shall be allowed mileage at the rate of ten cents for every mile of necessary travel, to be computed by the nearest and most direct route from their several residences to the city of Wheeling.

4. This Ordinance shall take effect from its passage, and may be altered or repealed by the General Assembly.

On motion of Mr. Nicholls, of Brooke, the ordinance was ordered to be laid on the table and printed.

Resolved, That one of the great objects of this Convention, reorganizing the State Government, is that we may place the same in a position of legality to the United States, in order that we may soon be able by Constitutional legislation to separate ourselves from our oppressors in Eastern Virginia and be admitted a new and separate State in the glorious union of States.

Mr. FARNSWORTH explained that his object in introducing this resolution was to show to the people by an authorized expression of the Convention that it intended to take such steps as would create a new State, and to show the object in taking the steps the Convention was now taking.

Mr. CALDWELL thought the resolution a proper one and that it was at once a courtesy and due to the Federal Government that something like this indicated in this resolution should be communicated to the President of the United States and his Cabinet, as an expression of the views and intentions of this Convention.

Mr. FROST moved the reference of the resolution to the Committee on Business. He had no objection to the resolution or the spirit of it. It seemed to him that every step yet taken contemplated the separation of the State.

Mr. DORSEY said it was well known that he had been advocating this new State movement as earnestly as he knew how, but after mature consideration of the subject, and after having had several resolutions like the one under consideration submitted to his consideration in private, he had come to the conclusion that it would be exceedingly inapposite for this Convention at the present time in the present stage of its proceedings to pass such a resolution, since by doing so we are anticipating, said he, the future action of the Legislature of Virginia, as well as of this Convention. This is not the proper time to make a proposition or a division of the State. We have all agreed upon that matter in private conversation, and the public discussions that have been had upon this subject. It does seem to me that if we desire a division of the State, the proper method to be pursued would be to proceed with the business now in hand, and when the State government is fully organized, then such propositions as this may be submitted. This announcement may seem to be incongruous with my former position. I think, however, the plan I proposed looked to just such an arrangement. After deliberating on the course I proposed myself, and that proposed by this resolution, I have thought it would be exceedingly imprudent to urge this matter at the present time. I hope my friend from Upshur will see proper to withdraw that resolution. He knows that I am an unyielding advocate for the division of the State, and I assure him, as I assure the Convention that I shall not be satisfied as an individual, until that shall be accomplished.

MR. NICHOLLS, of Brooke, said, that he understood the object of the resolution to be to give to our constituents at home, some evidence of the tone of the sentiment of this Convention, touching this question of a division of the State. He thought the remarks made in the discussions on that very subject, and which had gone forth in the public prints, ought to give abundant assurance to them of what the sentiment here was upon that subject. He agreed with his friend from Monongalia, that the Convention should not at this time take any hasty steps touching that matter. Still, if the gentleman from Upshur should persist, he would favor the reference of the resolution to the proper committee, that they might deliberately weigh it, and report before they take any action on the resolution.

MR. CARLILE supposed his friend from Upshur was not present the other day when this matter was discussed on the proposition of the gentleman from Monongalia. So far as I know, we all agree with him in disiring a division of the State, but how is it to be done. It can be done only by virtue of a provision of the Constitution of the U. S., and how can that be had now? That provision makes it necessary for us to obtain the assent of the Legislature of the State, and where is the Legislature, recognized as such, that can give its assent? It is no longer under the protection, or entitled to the provision, of the Constitution of the United States. It is now out of our power to effect a separation, if every man, woman and child in the State should give their consent. There is no Legislature yet that acknowledges its fealty to the Constitution of the United States. Therefore, what we desire is simply an impossibility at this time. If it be our purpose to divide the State at some future time - and it is certainly is my purpose - we are taking the only course in which it can be accomplished. Once get the government which we propose to organize here acknowledged by the Federal Government as the government of Virginia, and then you have a Legislature that can constitutionally assent to this separation. Now you have it not. Even if the Legislature that acknowledges its allegiance to the Southern Confederacy were to give its assent it would not be worth a piece of blank paper. The soil and people of Virginia are to all intents and purposes, so far as her State authorities are concerned, transferred to the Confederate States, and that so-called Confederacy can only consent to the transferrance of any portion of the soil of that so-called Confederacy, to a power with whom they can treat. Now, sir, the Federal Government and the loyal people of Virginia do not acknowledge that transfer. This rebellion must be crushed out, or it must be successful, and a treaty had between it and the United States, acknowledging its independence, before they can enter into any treaty.

But the method we are pursuing is the easiest, the only practicable mode by which the objects we have at heart can ever be accomplished, and such declarations as are contained in this resolution, do nothing in the world but throw obstacles and embarrassments in the way of accomplishing this separation.

The great question now foremost in the minds of all is the preservation of our Union and the perpetuity of the Federal Government. So long as our efforts are directed to this we have the sympathy of the twenty millions of loyal people who sympathise with us. Therefore it being impossible to accomplish our object now, a persistence must tend only to array against us and influence against our recognition the Government.

And, Sir, where is the great bulk of the bonds of this $49,000,000 of public debt? It is held in the great centre of capital, New York. If the holders were to suppose that a recognition of us as a separate State would diminish their securities, possibly their interests might come in conflict with their patriotism, and we would have the influence of this lobby at Washington against our recognition. Now, sir, let us from this time forward say nothing more upon this subject. Let us wait until we are recognised as part and parcel of the United States, and as the lawful authorities of Virginia.

I regret that we have to postpone this subject of a separation for an hour, but high above all else, is the perpetuity of the Union. What would a separation be worth - what would an admission as a new State into the Union be worth, if that Union should hereafter be destroyed. Let us then direct all our energies solely at this hour, more especially to preserving and maintaining the government.

Mr. VAN WINKLE said the public expectation in the Western counties had been turned to this Convention, as if its only business was to separate Eastern from Western Virginia. It had been the predominant expectation up to and even since, the assembling of the Convention. But we come here, and we find that it is necessary for us to take an entirely different course of action. That course we are progressing with. There can be no doubt as to the propriety of re-organizing a government for the whole State. I saw and spoke of the difficulties in the way of a division of the State, from our geographical position and other circumstances - as gentlemen will remember. But is it not due to the constituents of many of the members, that there should be some authorized expression by the Convention on this subject, exhibiting the reasons that induced us to abandon a course which, it was supposed, we were about to adopt, and to explain to them that their representatives have yielded to a necessity in postponing their views. In my opinion, if it had been practicable for other reasons to have made the separation, there is nothing in all this constitutional provision to have hindered us for a moment.

MR. CARLILE said if their constituents at home should see by the discussions in this body, the reasons that have influenced their representatives to postpone their wishes, then they would be satisfied with the same reasons that satisfied their representatives. He was sure he had no constituents more anxious for the time to arrive for a separation than he was. When they should see the gentleman from Monongalia representing a county where the vote was taken on this subject, and which gave 801 votes in favor of a division of the State, and coming from a constituency representing such views - when they see him yielding to the necessity which all feel, will not they be satisfied without an official report from a committee of this body?

Mr. BURDETT had no objection to the resolution. The world knows we are looking ulteriorly to a division of this State. Wall street will know it despite all your efforts to cover it up. The lobby interest will be in Washington just the same, and you will have to fight that anyhow. He did not think that any serious obstacle would then be thrown in the way. He did object, however, to the reporting of every little resolution reported here to the President of the United States. He and his cabinet had enough more important business to engross them. A better plan would be, at the conclusion of the labors of this Convention, to send them a copy of its journals.

Mr. CARLILE suggested that if this resolution was to be pressed a special committee be raised, and that it be referred to them.

Mr. FROST said the object of the resolution was simply to get an official expression from the Convention. He knew the people expected some authoritative expression of the opinions and views of this Convention. The course of the Convention, however, a reconstruction of the State government, was the only practical movement that could be made in the premises. He would withdraw his motion, and move that a special committee of five be raised, to whom the resolution should be referred. He suggested that the committee thus raised should prepare an address to the people of Virginia.

Mr. CARLILE said, that as they were now assuming to act for the Union men of the whole State, those men in many parts of the State would be embarrassed by such action, as we are here proposing, looking to a separation from them. The argument would be employed against them, that they were acknowledging the authority of a State government which looked to the dismemberment of the State.

MR. FROST said he was not in favor of a separation of the State, unless it were necessary. He hope they might never be driven to that result.

MR. DORSEY, of Monongalia moved that the resolution lie upon the table. He withdrew the motion, however, to make way for his colleague, Mr. Snider, who obtained leave to read the following resolution:

Resolved, That the geographical position and business and social relations of Western Virginia, are such, that her vital interests demand a division of the State; that the proper time to make such demand will be when Virginia has a legally constituted Legislature; and that then we will use our utmost endeavors to consummate that division.

MR. SNIDER declared that he was uncompromisingly for a division of the State, and nineteen-twentieths of the constituency he represented were equally so.

MR. BARNS, of Marion, also read a resolution (it being out of order to submit it,) as follows:

Resolved, That it is inexpedient at this time to take into consideration the subject of a division of the State.

MR. HUBBARD said that the case before the people of the Northwest, was no longer one of choice, or even preference, but had become a matter of duty. We are not here to create a State, but to save one; not here to create a government, but to help save a government. Let us go forward in the great work, and not higgle about what our taxes will be hereafter, or questions of that character. Let us save this government, let us save Virginia, and then save the Union; for the banner we are lifting up here, will be the banner for the salvation of the country. As the arms of the government go forward and rescue our State from revolution, we must save what they gain. I hope we shall say nothing more now about the division of the State; our first and highest object is to perpetuate the Union and the government, and the next to rescue and save Virginia. If we find in the future that we cannot remain in the State, and that we can do better to separate, I shall be as willing as any other man. I believe this movement will not stop with Virginia, but will spread all over the seceded States, as they are delivered from the military despotism that now rules them. Let us not fall short of our duty in this hour or hesitate in the course which is before us, as true men. Let us go forward as Virginia in the Union.

Mr. NICHOLLS followed in some remarks. He said when they had come to discuss grave constitutional questions which cover this whole subject of a separation, they saw that at this time - there was no member of the Convention but what saw - that there is a constitutional barrier in the way of this Convention meeting the first wish of their people for a separation of the State. That question was settled in the minds of the members of this Convention. When the Government shall have been rescued from anarchy and destruction, perhaps the causes of which they complained in the East, might be removed, and the necessity for the separation have disappeared.

Mr. FARNSWORTH said that in offering the resolution he merely wanted the people to know by some expression of the Convention that we were in earnest, when we said to them before we left our homes that we would go for a division of the State at the proper time. I know it is out of their power to understand the will of the Convention as we understand it without an expression of some kind. The resolution does not contemplate for a moment to create a new State at this time, but only to let the people know why it is that we are re-organizing the State government for the whole State - and, Mr. President, if we are afraid to show our hands to the people we represent our cause must be a poor one. Nevertheless he would withdraw the resolution as he found serious objection was made to it.

Mr. VANCE of Harrison hoped he would not withdraw it. His people, he said, were in favor of an immediate division of the State. They had sent him there to assist in accomplishing that purpose. But they did not all understand how it was to be done. Some thought the Convention could do it; but it could not be done without the consent of the Legislature. When the Legislature should meet it was his desire, and that of his constituents, to divide the State, and he would then use every effort to accomplish what they desire. He hoped the motion to lie on the table would be voted down, and the resolution would take the direction indicated by the gentleman from Jackson.

Mr. TARR regretted very much to see the course the debate had taken. The first inquiry should be, have we a State Government? If not, let us first procure the endorsement of the Federal Government and then provide the ways and means for a division of the State. Many gentlemen who have seats here represent counties lying along the borders of Maryland, which are very desirous of being connected with Western Virginia. Perhaps in the division of the State we will secure the counties bordering on Maryland. It may be that we should attach ourselves to the State of Maryland. We all know that our territory is small - that the taxes that may be collected from it will be barely sufficient to cover our ordinary expenses. If we should add to this the portion of the State debt which we would be bound in fairness to pay, it will make our taxes burdensome. But, sir, I have reason to know that the Federal Government is entirely opposed to any division of the State, and I think there is no gentleman on the floor of this Convention who can assure me from any authority whatever that the Federal Government will recognize any division at all. Are we so strong that we shall dictate our terms to the Federal Government? Or must we not rather act in obedience to their wishes. And I submit to my friends who are in favor of this precipitate action, that this motion now be laid on the table, but before that proposition is submitted to a vote. I move for the purpose of having some opportunity to canvass this question, that the Convention take a recess till two o'clock.

Mr. CARLILE - Will my friend from Brooke withdraw the motion for a recess for a moment?

Mr. CARLILE then announced that the Convention had been invited to visit the soldiers and officers at Bellair, and witness a dress parade, during the evening, and that Mr. Ford, the Agent of the B. & O. R. R., had kindly provided a special train for their accommodation, and that, as the train would start at half past three, he suggested that the Convention, when it adjourn, should adjourn till to-morrow.

Mr. CARLILE continued: In relation to this thing of dividing, I find that even I, who first started the little stone down the mountain, have now to apply the rubbers to other gentlemen who have outrun me in the race, to check their impetuosity. Those who know what I have done in behalf of this movement, and would do now, if practicable, know that it is from no lack of sympathy with their desire, that I am now drawing the brakes. I believe I know the people of Harrison county, and of all the counties of Northwestern Virginia, for in some capacity I have served them nearly all, except these Panhandle counties - and they know just as well as we do, and have probably found it out a little in advance of us, that at this time a division of the State cannot be effected, for the reason which they see in the Constitution of the United States, that it is only through it, and by virtue of its provisions, that a division can be had. They know another thing, too, that a separation is worth nothing without the perpetuity of the Government to which we desire to attach ourselves, and that they must first address themselves to maintaining the Government.

Mr. VANCE: We are perfectly aware, and so are the people, that the first object is to maintain the government and secure its perpetuity; but the resolution does not contemplate that the State be divided until that be accomplished. What we want is to show that this is the ulterior object.

Mr. CARLILE: I do not think it necessary to declare that I am of the same opinion that I was thirty, or sixty, or ninety days ago. When I change my views on this subject, then I shall take occasion to announce them in the proper way. But why, at this time, when we are surrounded by most embarrassing circumstances, add to our embarrassments? Why create obstacles? Why build up barriers that may not come in our way if we but take proper time for action? The truth should always be spoke when we speak at all. But the whole truth should not always be spoken. There are times when men should keep their mouths closed. What if we do contemplate a division of the State, would it forward that object to promulgate the declaration in a special and authoritative manner.

In an hour like this when the question is: shall we save the State; when we are particularly helpless to save it ourselves; when the very Government itself has by this rebellion been bankrupted; when it is engaged in this death struggle to maintain its own existence, and when we have come here to aid, if we can, this effort of the Government in this struggle, - why should we now be discussing that which is utterly impossible and which more belongs to days of peace than to the hours of war? That is the question to put to ourselves. If we could divide the State to-day, who would desire to do so under existing circumstances. In a short time the power of this Government may be established. Then we may be acknowledged as the Government of Virginia; then we can provide for that which is essential to our interest. If peace is to be banished for long years from our borders what does it matter whether we are separated from the East or not? Separation is to enable us to promote our interests in time of peace. Separation in time of war amounts to nothing.

There is no man within the limits of this State that is more thoroughly convinced than I am and have been for long years of the necessity of this separation. There is no power on earth that can prevent it. But it cannot take place now, and we are but embarrassing our movements, which must first be addressed to the perpetuity of the government and the maintenance of our free institutions before we can act on what is and must be a secondary consideration. I do trust this discussion which has occupied so much of our time will be allowed to wait till the time comes for action. "Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof."

And now, sir, with a Southern army advancing upon us in two columns, we know not how soon we may have to close our doors and discussions here, and seek safety elsewhere; when we are striving now to resist this attempt at transferring us to a rebellious government, shall we be distracted with issues of secondary importance, as all must admit this question of a separation to be at this hour?

The question, "Shall the main question be put?" having been decided in the affirmative the main question "Shall the resolution lie on the table? was then put.

Mr. VANCE demanded the yeas and nays. The question being then taken by yeas and nays resulted as follows:

YEAS. - Jno. H. Atkinson, Jno. S. Barnes, J. J. Brown, George W. Broski, H. W. Crothers, Wm. L. Crawford, Jno. S. Carlile, W. B. Crane, J. T. Close, James Carskadon, W. H. Copley, D. B. Dorsey, O. D. Downey, James P. Ferrell, A. Flesher, S. S. Fleming, E. T. Graham, P. M. Hale, George Harrison, C. D. Hubbard, H. Hagans, Charles Hooton, Hno. Howard, Jno. Hawkxhurst, T. H. Logan, Daniel Lamb, J. A. J. Lightburn, John Love, Henry S. Martin, E. E. Mason, Thos. Morris, Jno. D. Nichols, Henry Newman, Geo. McC.Porter, D. Polsley, J. W. Paxton; S. S. Parsons, A. F. Ritchie, T. A. Roberts, J. F. Scott, Remembrance Swan, B. F. Shuttlesworth, Campbell Tarr, J. H. Trout, P. G. Van Winkle, James G. West, H. H. Withers, Jas. W. Williamson, W. B. Zinn, Mr. President, (A. I. Boreman) - 51.

NAYS. - Wm. I. Boreman, Ralph L. Berkshire, Jno. S. Burdett, W. W. Brumfield, E. H. Caldwell, W. H. Douglas, James Evans, D. D. T. Farnsworth, Richard Fast, Daniel Frost, Leroy Kramer, Reuben Martin, Wm. Price, C. W. Smith, J. H. Shuttleworth, Jos. Snider, Jno. C. Vance. - 17.

ABSENTEES. - Lot Bowen, James I. Barrick, Samuel Crane, L. E. Davidson, John J. Davis, Jas. A. Foley, Jos. Gist, Albert Laidley, John W. Moss, Jno. Michael, F. H. Pierpoint, Wm. Ratcliffe, Fountain Smith, J. L. Smith, Chapman J. Stewart, Nath. F. Taft, S. B. Todd, Lewis Wetzel, And. Wilson, C. B. Waggener, Jas. O. Watson, Jas. A. Williamson. - 21.

GEORGE HARRISON, of Ohio, offered the following resolutions which were unanimously adopted.

Whereas, it has pleased the God of Nations and of Battles, in his inscrutable wisdom, to remove from our midst in these our days of peril and trial, the distinguished Senator of Illinois, Stephen A. Douglas, who patriotic devotion and principles have endeared his memory to our hearts, and whose loss we deplore and regard as a national calamity. Be it, therefore, by the people of Virginia, in solemn Convention assembled.

Resolved, That this Convention has heard with feelings of the deepest sorrow and regret of the recent demise of the patriotic and distinguished Senator of Illinois, Stephen A. Douglas - a man who, when our present unhappy troubles commenced, regardless of party predilections, stood among the first and foremost in defence of the laws and Constitution of this great Union, thereby still further gaining our love and admiration.

2. That we sincerely sympathize with the widow and children of the deceased Senator under their severe affliction, and as a testimonial of our regard and esteem that these resolutions be entered on the minutes of the proceedings, and a copy, signed by the President and Secretary of this Convention, be forwarded to the family.

Proceedings of the Second Wheeling Convention

Proceedings of the
Second Wheeling Convention